The 28th Conference of the Parties (COP-28) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is now taking place in Dubai, United Arab Emirates (UAE).
In essence, the Conference of Parties (COP) is a worldwide platform for countries to come together and discuss ways to tackle the climate issue as a common global threat.
These plans include helping people most vulnerable to the effects of climate change, achieving net-zero emissions by 2050, and limiting the rise in global temperature to 1.5 degrees Celsius.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has recently emphasised how urgent it is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 43 per cent from 2019 levels by 2030.
Conversations on mitigating climate change continue, with a particular focus on the three largest greenhouse gas (GHG) emitters countries: China, the United States, and India, all together responsible for 43 per cent of global GHG emissions. Although India ranked among the top three countries, its per capita emissions are lower than those of the top 10 countries.
Also, referencing the Summary for PolicyMakers (SPM) derived from Working Group III’s submission to the Sixth Assessment Report (AR6) of the IPCC, India emphasises that the combined Southern Asian region’s contribution to the historical cumulative net anthropogenic GHG emissions between 1850 and 2019 amounts to an only 4 per cent.
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These three contradict numbers, putting India into continuous discussions regarding accountability and the necessary climate action responsibilities.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has recently emphasised how urgent it is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 43 per cent from 2019 levels by 2030.
Notwithstanding the discourse surrounding global climate change, given its present state and extensive effects on diverse facets of the world economy and human well-being, it is imperative that all countries rise above these debates and assume equal accountability for tackling this shared worldwide menace.
Even though India’s total, historical cumulative emissions, and per-capita greenhouse gas emissions are not in agreement, India has been a strong voice for developing countries since 1992 (UNCED, Rio de Janeiro, 1992) and has continuously pushed for a fair allocation of climate change responsibilities.
India was at the vanguard of this commitment, spearheading the Kyoto Protocol at COP3 in 1997 and highlighting how urgent it is for wealthy nations to cut back on carbon emissions. India’s role in the worldwide fight against climate change has evolved over time from that of a supporting actor to one that is proactive and assertive.
This evolution was clearly shown when India hosted the COP-8 summit in 2002, demonstrating its steadfast commitment to tackling global climate issues. In the past, India played a more modest and covert role while participating in international affairs.
But there has been a noticeable shift in the last few years as the Indian government has taken a more assertive stand and is actively promoting its unique story. With the Paris Agreement, the game changed significantly, with India’s rapidly growing economy coming under more scrutiny for its policies and actions.
During COP 26, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi presented an ambitious five-point plan dubbed “Panchamrita,” outlining India’s 2030 commitments.
The plan calls for reaching 500 gigawatts of non-fossil energy capacity, obtaining 50 per cent of energy needs from renewable sources, cutting estimated carbon emissions by one billion tons, lowering the economy’s carbon intensity by 45 per cent, and reaching net-zero emissions by 2070.
During the COP26 summit in Glasgow in 2021, India made a significant contribution by coining the word “phase-down” in place of the original term, “phase-out.” This modification, in particular with regard to coal, influenced the final agreement made at the Climate Conference in Glasgow.
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The intervention was motivated by the need to appropriately portray the distinct national circumstances of India, acknowledging the potential for a rise in the total consumption of coal for industrial or power production purposes. At the same time, a decrease in its share of the overall energy mix was prioritised.
In my opinion, given India’s complex circumstances, which include the country’s economics, industrial development, and international politics, this move is more practical.
Furthermore, India has unintentionally taken on the role of a spokesperson for the vast majority of developing and global South countries through this action.
Taking advantage of this momentum, the Indian government adopted revised climate pledges, amending obligations made under the 2015 Paris Agreement, shortly before COP 27 in August 2022.
Achieving these goals entails cutting emissions intensity by 45 per cent from 2005 levels by 2030, sourcing 50 per cent of electricity from renewable and non-fossil fuel sources, increasing the amount of forest and tree cover by 2030 to create an additional carbon sink of 2.5 to 3 billion tonnes.
It also includes bolstering investments in climate change adaptation-related vulnerable sectors like agriculture, water resources, the Himalayan region, coastal areas, health, and disaster management, and raising funds both domestically and internationally to carry out mitigation and adaptation measures.
Despite commitments to expand non-fossil fuel and renewable energy, India stands firm on not phasing out coal-generated electricity in the near term.
Beyond official international agreements, India has advanced significantly during the past ten years. Under the Unnat Jyoti by Affordable LEDs for All (UJALA) programme, energy-efficient fans, LED tubes, and bulbs are offered at deeply discounted costs.
The goal of the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY) is to provide clean fuels to homes that use dirty fuels and are below the poverty line. The National Clean Air Programme (NACP) also addresses urban air pollution in India.
These instances highlight India’s independent development and demonstrate a commitment to sustainable growth in spite of reluctance to make certain international promises.
India is making great efforts to create a low-carbon transportation system that is inclusive, effective, and integrated.
This entails promoting increased fuel economy, making a gradual switch to cleaner fuels, shifting the mode of transportation to more environmentally friendly public transportation, electrifying all modes of transportation, applying demand-side management, and putting intelligent transportation and traffic management systems into place.
India has led the world in significant climate change initiatives, winning the backing of several nations. These programmes are important even though they are not formally recognised during COP talks.
Established during the 2015 Paris summit, the International Solar Alliance is now a multilateral agency linked with the UN that promotes the installation of solar energy throughout the world.
A similar approach is used by the Coalition of Disaster Resilient Infrastructure, which hopes to become the world’s leading authority on resilient infrastructure and attracts a lot of attention from developing nations that are at risk.
Following India’s collaboration with the International Energy Agency (IEA), a study was conducted that suggested simple lifestyle adjustments may reduce annual world carbon dioxide emissions by around 2 billion tons by 2030, of which roughly 60 per cent could be achieved through mandatory government programmes.
The final outcomes of the recent G20 meeting in New Delhi demonstrated the international recognition of India’s LiFE (Lifestyle for Environment) Mission.
India is bringing different priorities at COP28. Its first goal is to promote the Global Biofuels Alliance (GBA), founded in September 2023, and highlight the expanding biofuels industry. Nevertheless, obtaining backing from members of OPEC (the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries) is difficult.
Second, India is reluctant to make a global commitment to reducing emissions associated with cooling since it is struggling to provide inexpensive cooling in its heavily populated areas. India’s decision regarding the planned promise made by the UAE and the Cool Coalition, which aims to reduce cooling-related CO2 emissions by 68 per cent by 2050, is still pending.
Thirdly, by acknowledging its disparate historical roles in climate change, India highlights the significance of climate finance. Lower-middle-income countries like India confront financial obstacles in their efforts to shift to a low-carbon economy, as noted in the UNEP Emissions Gap Report.
One of India’s eight existing Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) commits the country to obtain 50 per cent of its “cumulative electric power installed capacity” by 2030 from sources other than fossil fuels.
The NDCs also emphasize the necessity of increased financing mobilization from “developed countries” in order to carry out plans for adaptation and mitigation that close resource shortages.
A major announcement made by Prime Minister Narendra Modi at COP28 is the introduction of the Green Credit Initiative, which he presents as a substitute for carbon credits. Modi advocates for a change in perspective away from the market-driven concept of carbon credits and toward the creation of carbon sinks through public involvement.
The Green Credit Initiative is intended to be pro-planet, proactive, and upbeat, with an invitation to global participation.
While many nations promise to triple the world’s nuclear capacity by 2050, India chooses not to participate in this vow in order to maintain its standing in the COP process.
India continues to set clear boundaries in its climate negotiations at COP28. The Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDRRC) idea has historically been protected, but India’s recent red lines show a more individualistic approach. The Indian government focuses on emissions intensity in relation to GDP and vehemently opposes ideas that require reductions in emissions.
Despite commitments to expand non-fossil fuel and renewable energy, India stands firm on not phasing out coal-generated electricity in the near term. Furthermore, India opposes a lowering of emissions in the agricultural sector, referring to it as “survival emissions” that are essential to the country’s food security.
Because of worries about the potential effects on agriculture and the supply of electricity, the nation has continuously opposed international initiatives of the Global Methane Pledge. Notably, India did not join the “Global Renewables and Energy Efficiency Pledge” at COP28, emphasizing its own climate equity concept that addresses unequal burdens on nations.
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Citing historical responsibility and objecting to the World Bank’s temporary management of the fund, China and India both refuse to contribute to the Loss and Damage Fund.
Due to pragmatic concerns about reducing greenhouse gas emissions in the health sector, India declined to endorse the COP28 Declaration on Climate and Health.
While many nations promise to triple the world’s nuclear capacity by 2050, India chooses not to participate in this vow in order to maintain its standing in the COP process.
India’s unique climate policies and uncompromising redlines position it as a potential leader for the Global South. India has fostered aspirations for leadership among the global south throughout the years, as seen by its historical participation in the Non-Aligned Movement and its unwavering support for a multipolar international order.
India is a nation that is becoming more and more influential in the world. It actively works to close the gap between the global south and wealthy countries by joining important organizations like the BRICS and G-20.
In the recent past, India has demonstrated proactive leadership by advocating for important international initiatives, like the suspension of COVID-19 vaccine exclusive rights. This demonstrates India’s dedication to tackling global issues and elevating poor countries’ voices on the international scene.
The United Nations report from India highlights the demands of developing countries and urges wealthier nations to meet their climate financing obligations and expedite efforts to reduce emissions.
India’s impact on promoting international cooperation against climate change is evident, even if it does not formally hold the title of leader at COP28.
India has a strong motivation to spearhead efforts to mitigate climate change within the Global South Region given the enduring concerns about climate financing and emission reduction responsibilities, as well as the existential threat that global warming poses to South Asia.
The accomplishments at COP28 have the potential to strengthen India’s role as a pivotal leader and go-between for the global south and more developed countries.
Finally, the discussion revolves around the ongoing controversy around climate change accountability and the complex roles that countries play in the fight against climate change.
The intricacy of this issue is shown by the variety of measures available for assessing the accountability of GHG emissions, from current and cumulative emissions to GHG emissions per person. Determining the accountability of each country is a difficult task that requires acknowledging and resolving these disparate indicators.
There is a need for international solidarity to overcome this geopolitical obstacle. It becomes imperative that all countries find common ground in order to promote a thorough comprehension that takes into account the various aspects of national development.
Through collaboratively tackling and integrating these disparate facets, countries may establish a path towards a fairer and more efficient strategy for mitigating climate change, cultivating a mutual dedication to preserving the Earth for present and future generations.
Ajay Singh Nagpure is Scientist at Urban Nexus Lab, Princeton University. Views are personal.
